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07 octubre 2007

Puntocom 2000, China 2007

The Internet may prove to be the greatest human invention of all time. Investing in Internet companies in 2000, however, may prove to be one of history's greatest follies.

Yet 2000 was a heady year for Internet investment. Guides such as Greg Kyle's 100 Best Internet Stocks to Own showed you "how to get in on this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity." Kyle predicted that there would be 430 million Internet users by 2003 and that by 2005, "consumers will spend $150 billion shopping online."

In fact, those estimates proved conservative. By 2003, nearly 600 million people were online. In 2005, shoppers spent more than $175 billion on the World Wide Web.

Time to cash in
But even though Internet usage blew away expectations, you would have been a big loser if you'd invested in Kyle's 100 best Internet stocks. How much of a loser?

It almost pains us to tell you.

Had you invested $1,000 in each of his 100 Internet names back on April 20, 2000, for a total investment of $100,000, you would have -- drumroll, please -- $37,814 today. That's a total return of negative 62%.

You were more likely to pick a company that would go bankrupt (18) as you were to pick a company that simply increased in price (13)!

To the moon!
And that's despite some successes. AXENT merged with Symantec (Nasdaq: SYMC), and a $1,000 investment there would be worth more than $4,600 today. Auctioneer king eBay (Nasdaq: EBAY) would have doubled your money since April 2000.

You also would have done quite well buying Expedia (Nasdaq: EXPE), getting merged into IAC/InterActiveCorp (Nasdaq: IACI), and then getting shares of both when Expedia was spun back off.

But even those winners can't change the fact that 18% of Kyle's companies went bankrupt. And many of the companies that survived, including Yahoo! (Nasdaq: YHOO), Priceline.com (Nasdaq: PCLN), and RealNetworks (Nasdaq: RNWK), are down 60% or more.

What went wrong -- and why
Most of the companies profiled in the book were profitless -- and burning through capital at a rapid rate. Indeed, many of the companies shouldn't have been worth a dime ... let alone billions of dollars.

See, Internet companies at the turn of the century were expected to generate massive cash profits. They didn't. A stock's value is nothing more than an estimate of its ability to generate cash profits over time. Before long, "market share," "network effects," "eyeballs," and "B2B business models" were exposed as Northern California euphemisms for "no cash."

The value of valuation
That's why valuation is such a critical component of investing. As the Internet mess illustrates, taking a top-down investing approach -- starting with the best, fastest-growing industry -- will lead to failure. Show us that industry and we'll find you a stock operating therein that's going down in flames.

That's why we advocate a bottoms-up investing approach. Start at the company level and work up from there.

It's also why there are no no-brainers in investing. Just to repeat: Although the Internet has been even more successful than Kyle imagined, the stocks he profiled were mostly disasters.

China = the new Internet
Somehow, these lessons seem as timely as ever (and we're not talking about the burst housing bubble). Exhibit A: investing in China.

The Chinese government was concerned enough to triple the tax on stock trades over the summer. According to The New York Times, that was a move "aimed at braking what many business executives and economists inside and outside China now see as a stock market bubble."

It might look familiar: The Chinese index was up 130% last year, and another 80% year-to-date. According to data from Bloomberg, the CSI 300 trades for 52 times earnings -- compared to just 17 times earnings for the S&P 500! Also according to Bloomberg, "Domestic [Chinese] investors have opened 33 million trading accounts this year, six times the total for 2006."

28 agosto 2007

Darwin, cucarachas y salmonelosis

A Warren Buffett le gusta recordar que cuando la marea alta termina y empieza a bajar el nivel del agua se ve quién estaba desnudo. Lo que nos recuerda a la Teoría de la Cucaracha. Una teoría que hace referencia al inevitable hecho de que si has visto una cucaracha corretear por el suelo de tu cocina, ten por seguro de que habrán más escondidas.

Lo que estamos viendo estos días poco a poco es quién disfrazó sus temerarias apuestas direccionales con sofisticados trajes cosidos a base de derivados y los vendió como la nueva panacea de la rentabilidad sin volatilidad. Pero no caigamos en el error de generalizar.

Meter a todo el universo hedge fund en el mismo saco sería algo tan equivocado como el siguiente ejemplo que da Jon Sundt, de Altegris Investments (adaptado a nuestro folclore de verano), en su último comentario: Imaginemos que mientras disfrutamos de un tranquilo día de playa en nuestras vacaciones abrimos el periódico y leemos el siguiente titular: 'Familia muere intoxicada por salmonelosis al ingerir mayonesa en mal estado de un chiringuito no autorizado'.

La noticia no nos sorprende. Esas cosas, a veces pasan. Nuestra inmediata y lógica reacción (ya lo hacíamos anteriormente) es cuidar dónde vamos a comer con la familia esta tarde. Evidentemente, intentaremos evitar todo local no autorizado, con aspecto de cuidar poco la higiene y, si somos algo paranoicos, incluso evitaremos consumir cualquier alimento susceptible de alojar la temida bacteria.

Pero imaginemos que no somos la típica familia española habituada a este tipo de noticias y que no sabe identificar dónde está el riesgo y cómo evitarlo. Supongamos que somos una familia de turistas nórdicos en tierra extraña y que no sabemos nada de este tipo de incidente que, a veces, salpican de negro las crónicas del verano y afecta a alguno de los miles de restaurantes abiertos en la época estival. Si entonces leemos el siguiente titular del periódico finlandés que nos llega con días de retraso: 'Familia muere intoxicada por comer en un restaurante en la playa'; ¿cuál sería la reacción?

Probablemente, a falta de mayor información sobre un terreno y una industria que desconocemos, meteremos a todos los restaurantes en el mismo saco y, para evitar cualquier riesgo real o imaginario, decidiremos no comer en ningún restaurante próximo a la playa. Ni siquiera los que estén autorizados, cumplan con todos los controles de higiene, o ni siquiera sirvan mayonesa. Huelga comentar los efectos que tendría esa reacción generalizada sobre la industria de la hostelería.

Por supuesto, la familia habrá eliminado el riesgo de salmonelosis, ¿pero a qué precio? Tal vez comer durante todas sus vacaciones en un McDonald's, al que se le considera libre del riesgo (ir a lo seguro), y perderse deliciosas paellas, arroces y platos únicos de nuestra cocina mediterránea que, cocinados en restaurantes que cumplen con la legislación y les interesa mantener vivos a sus clientes, no implicaban ningún riesgo para la salud.

Llevamos desde el mes de marzo hablando de los riesgos subprime y de crédito. Lo que está ocurriendo no puede pillarnos por sorpresa. Si comemos mayonesa todos los días en cualquier chiringuito sabemos a lo que nos exponemos. Pero de ahí a meter a toda la industria hedge con sus 10.000 fondos en el mismo saco y decir a bombo y platillo que es el fin de la gestión alternativa y de estos productos, hay el mismo trecho que el de pasarnos a comer sistemáticamente comida basura de por vida y renunciar a buscar buenas y saludables paellas para nuestra cartera.

En la historia de la vida en la tierra, ha habido cinco grandes extinciones. En 4.000 millones de años da tiempo a que pasen muchas cosas. Por ejemplo que se extingan los dinosaurios y otras especies con mayor capacidad de adaptación proliferen y evolucionen hasta producir el ordenador desde el que escribo. Es un proceso natural inevitable, como nos mostró Darwin. Los cambios en el entorno ejecutan su criba sin piedad y con imparcialidad. Aquellos que se adaptaron demasiado (overfitting de los modelos) a unas condiciones demasiado particulares del entorno, perecen ante un mínimo cambio de circunstancias (tensionamiento del crédito). Sobreviven aquellos capaces de adaptarse al cambio, no los más fuertes, más grandes o que mejor lo han hecho en los últimos tres años.

Hemos vivido crisis como la de las monedas asiáticas en 1997 y la de los bonos rusos que arrastró al LTCM en 1998. Muchos sufrieron, pero muchos otros siguieron ofreciendo buenas rentabilidades, adaptándose al medio porque obtenían rentabilidades de otras fuentes más flexibles y no tan dependientes de una única estrategia. Igual que está pasando ahora.

Pero si sólo miramos los árboles que caen no podemos ver el bosque que sigue en pie. Dentro de un tiempo se reubicarán los acontecimientos que estamos viviendo en una justa perspectiva. Y habrá perdedores y ganadores, como en cualquier periodo de crisis y en cualquier industria. Una sana criba que limpiará a los demasiado adaptados, eliminará a todo el nido de cucarachas y permitirá que crezcan los más flexibles, los mejores, allí donde tendremos que invertir.

¿Qué hacer en estas circunstancias? Desde luego no confundir churras con merinas y proclamar erróneamente que la industria hedge ha fallado. En vez de rechazar cualquier inversión hedge, preocuparnos más bien por cuáles son sus ingredientes (en qué invierten) y su grado de higiene (control del riesgo) a la hora de cocinar (proporcionar alfa).

Como recomendaba Keynes, tal vez lo mejor sea darnos cuenta de que el miedo siempre cotiza barato, precisamente porque nubla la vista y no nos deja ver un horizonte diferente al que pintamos con nuestras emociones de hoy. No hablo de comprar acciones de Bolsa (no tengo ni idea de si es buen momento o no de comprar Bolsa), sino de aprovechar el contagio, leve o moderado, que la presente crisis está ejerciendo en otras estrategias, para invertir en aquellos hedge funds estables (que conocemos y sin mayonesa), sólidos y perdurables que, por una cuestión de pánico, ofrecen ahora un mejor precio de entrada.

Marcos Pérez Mesas. Gestor de fondos de Renta 4

27 agosto 2007

Jim Cramer: el 'showman' que obligó a la Fed a bajar los tipos

Insolente, soberbio y exaltado, Jim Cramer, el comentarista de la CNBC, no deja indiferente ni a propios ni a extraños. A través de su programa Mad Money, en el que analiza el estado de los mercados y orienta a los ciudadanos en sus inversiones, ha revolucionado el periodismo económico audiovisual, creando un espacio sensacionalista en el que lo que parece que prima, por encima de todo, es el morbo por escuchar los ataques, contra todo y contra todos, de este antiguo gestor de hegde funds, que abandonó su carrera para dedicarse a su verdadera vocación: ofrecer espectáculo en los medios de comunicación.

De sobra conocido en toda la geografía norteamericana, Cramer ha cruzado el charco gracias a la crisis del mercado hipotecario, o mejor dicho, a los insultos que dirigió a Ben Bernanke y a la propia Fed, desde su plató, hace dos semanas. Hay quien dice que la decisión de la Reserva Federal de bajar los tipos de interés estuvo muy influida por aquel programa, mientras que para otros se trata de una decisión independiente, mera casualidad. Sea como fuere, lo que sí es cierto es que aquel incidente ha servido para engordar su fama y le ha permitido que periódicos de todo el mundo se hagan eco de sus soflamas incendiarias. Más de un millón y medio de descargas de su intervención en Youtube le contemplan.

"Bernanke no tiene ni idea de cómo están las cosas"

En plena crisis crediticia, con Wall Street cayendo a plomo y los inversores preocupados por el futuro de sus títulos y carteras, Cramer se erigió como el mesías del subprime crunch y lanzó toda su artillería pesada contra Bernanke.

De pie, sin chaqueta, y remangado por encima de los codos, dio a los espectadores una buena dosis de crispación. En poco más de cinco minutos vaticinó la muerte de los mercados financieros y acusó a la Fed de ser la única culpable de lo que está ocurriendo en la economía americana. “Bernanke no tiene ni idea”, gritaba casi fuera de sus órbitas el presentador, “ni idea, ni idea de cómo están las cosas ahí fuera”, mientras se balanceaba de atrás adelante haciendo aspavientos con los brazos.

“Bernanke está siendo académico y no es el momento de ser académico”, clamaba Cramer. “Es el momento de coger al toro por los cuernos: el mercado de renta fija se encuentra en su peor momento de los últimos 22 años y Bernanke no tiene ni idea”, defendía una y otra vez, mientras la presentadora intentaba calmarle y quitar hierro al asunto.

Los periodistas no comparten la ‘Cramer manía’

Especie de José María García de las finanzas, Jim Cramer ha conseguido, a base de gritos, críticas, insultos y amenazas, convertirse en el personaje norteamericano más polémico de la televisión. Hay quien lo llama ya “el jefe de las cheerleaders” del mercado financiero y son muchos los periodistas del sector los que denuncian las formas y hasta el fondo de sus recomendaciones, que perseguirían solamente engordar su cuenta personal de resultados.

El último medio en analizar la evolución de sus consejos, con el fin de abrir los ojos a los cerca de 100.000 espectadores que siguen cada noche su ‘show’, ha sido Barron’s, que asegura que las predicciones de Cramer son poco fiables y que sus opiniones sobre el estado del mercado, están llenas de contradicciones. De hecho, en abril, aseguraba que el Dow Jones galopaba hacia los 15.000 puntos y que no había nada que pudiera enturbiar esa carrera. Sin embargo, a principios de agosto, con el Dow rondando los 13.000 puntos, Cramer se daba golpes de pecho asegurando que ya lo había avisado.

Un ‘loco’ con mucho peso

Si bien es verdad que la imagen que tiene podría transmitir poca confianza entre los inversores, lo cierto es que los profesionales del mundo de las finanzas le respetan, y mucho. Y es que Cramer no siempre ha sido un seudo periodista voceras y de discutible educación. De hecho, en su tiempo, fue uno de los gestores de hedge funds más brillantes del mercado. Comenzó su carrera en Goldman Sachs, pero pronto montó su propio fondo, al que sacó una rentabilidad anual media del 24% durante quince años consecutivos.

Autor de numerosos libros en los que mostraría el camino para triunfar en Wall Street, poco a poco fue teniendo cada vez más presencia en prensa y medios. Así, participó en la fundación de TheStreet.com, uno de los primeros portales de internet especializados en inversiones en bolsa. En el año 2000 abandonó definitivamente su carrera como gestor de hedge funds para dedicarse a tiempo completo al periodismo.

La televisión le picaba, y mucho, aunque no conseguía encontrar un productor que apostara por su programa. Finalmente fue la CNBC la que puso toda la carne en el asador para crear un espacio en el que diera a la gente lo que busca: ideas claras, morbo y la posibilidad de ganar dinero. Y con ese lema nació Mad Money, la fórmula para enriquecer mediante consejos a los ciudadanos. Y aunque en la práctica no haya sido así y los “compra, compra, compra” y “vende, vende, vende” que caracterizan a Jim Cramer, apenas se hayan dejado notar en el mercado, ¿a quién le importa? El show debe continuar…

15 julio 2007

Un 95% de Perdedores

Un dato estadístico que todos consideramos cierto es que el 95% de los traders pierde dinero. Nadie sabe cómo se ha llegado a esa conclusión pero con el paso del tiempo todos los traders han asumido que esa cifra mágica es representativa de la realidad. De hecho recientemente en el Foro hemos tenido dos amplios debates sobre esta cuestión así como sobre sus implicaciones sobre la idea que tenemos acerca del funcionamiento de los mercados financieros:

Estrategia Simple - http://www.x-trader.net/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?t=4299
¿Son los mercados de futuros una inmensa ESTAFA? - http://www.x-trader.net/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?t=4744

Lo cierto es que en el mundo académico se han realizado diversos análisis estadísticos sobre el éxito de los traders en su operativa. El primero de ellos probablemente sea el realizado en 1949 por Blair Stewart titulado An Analysis of Speculative Trading in Grain Futures, en el que se analizan varias cuentas de traders de commodities durante 9 años y concluye que el 75% de los traders pierde dinero.

Otro estudio es el de Thomas A. Hieronymus incluido en su libro Economics of Futures Trading. Hieronymous era un economista de la Universidad de Illinois que analizó 462 cuentas de un broker en el año 1969. Las cuentas debían cumplir como requisitos que al menos habían realizado 10 operaciones en el año y que tenían ganancias o pérdidas por encima de 500$. Los resultados de ese año fueron que 164 cuentas presentaban beneficios y 298 pérdidas por lo que un 35% de los traders ganaba. La mayor parte tenían pérdidas o ganancias en torno a 3000 dólares, si bien el mercado demostró su característica de juego de suma cero ya que si se sumaban las ganancias y las pérdidas de las cuentas incluidas en el análisis se obtenía un valor cercano a cero. La conclusión que se desprende del estudio según Hieronymous es que mucha gente entra en el mercado sin la preparación adecuada, obtiene pérdidas y abandona rápido la actividad del trading; otros consiguen aguantar y pueden llegar a ser ganadores si bien no es el caso de la mayoría.

Por su parte, el informe de Ronald L. Johnson sobre el porcentaje de éxito de los traders particulares para la North American Securities Administrators Association (NASAA), presenta conclusiones muy similares. Johnson seleccionó aleatoriamente 30 cuentas (aquí se podría argumentar que el tamaño muestral es algo escaso) de un mismo broker. El resultado que obtuvo fue que casi un 70% de los traders perdía dinero, presentando además un riesgo de ruina total en la muestra del 75%

Incluso las 8 cuentas que eran ganadoras presentaban un elevado riesgo de ruina, siendo tan sólo 3 las cuentas que tenían un riesgo por debajo del 25%. Incluso una de las cuentas ganadoras obtuvo el 93% de su beneficio con una sóla operación (7650$); de no haber realizado esa operación las 99 operaciones restantes que había realizado sumaban una ganancia de tan sólo 610$, indicando que el resultado de esa cuenta había sido fruto del azar. Por otro lado, la cuenta de mayor éxito había aguantado la posición unos 47 días de media y no hacía day trading.

Las conclusiones del estudio indican que la mayor parte de los traders tienen un riesgo de ruina tan alto que hace que la bancarrota sea prácticamente inevitable. En particular, los traders que operaban intradía y tenían un alto riesgo de ruina eran los que más dinero perdieron. Asimismo, el informe detectó que el mantenimiento medio a lo largo del tiempo de posiciones perdedoras era mayor que el de las posiciones ganadoras, lo que indicaba que los traders cortaban rápidamente sus ganancias y dejaban correr las pérdidas.

Pero sin duda uno de los estudios más completos es el realizado por Terry Odean y Brad Barber de la Universidad de Berkeley (por cierto, les recomiendo que visiten su web, http://faculty.haas.berkeley.edu/odean/, ya que permite descargar un montón de artículos interesantes). Estos investigadores analizaron 10.000 cuentas de particulares de un mismo broker para el periodo comprendido entre 1987 y 1993. A pesar de la gran cantidad de datos utilizados las conclusiones no difieren demasiado de los estudios anteriores.

En particular, Odean y Barber encontraron que todos los traders novatos ganaban menos que la media del mercado debido al efecto de los costes de trading (básicamente comisiones y slippage), siendo el tamaño de la horquilla de precios la que más daño hacía en las cuentas al ser una variable que no controla el trader (las comisiones se pueden negociar o cambiar de broker). Asimismo, el hecho de cambiar de broker en busca de comisiones más bajas tampoco compensa al trader ya que una rebaja de comisiones aumenta el número de operaciones realizadas, compensado así el posible ahorro obtenido: Odean analizó 1600 cuentas que cambiaron de un broker tradicional a uno online, lo que provocaba que en media el número de operaciones aumentara en un 33% .

Sin embargo, el resultado más interesante del estudio es que los traders pierden incluso si excluimos los costes de la operativa ya que, en media, las acciones que compraban los traders particulares subían menos que la media del mercado mientras que aquellos títulos de los que se desprendían superaban posteriormente la rentabilidad de los índices. Un año después de cada operación cada trader perdía de media un 9% y dos años después los resultados de la cartera eran incluso peores. Incluso si no hubieran rotado su cartera inicial habrían obtenido ganancias superiores a la media. En definitiva, los traders analizados vendían sistemáticamente los mejores valores y mantenían los peores en cartera, pues venderlos supondría admitir su error.

Posteriormente Odean repetió el estudio a mayor escala, tomando 66.465 cuentas durante el periodo 1991-1996. En esta ocasión Odean encontró una fuerte correlación entre el número de operaciones realizadas y los rendimientos obtenidos. Así, los traders hiperactivos obtenían un rendimiento medio anualizado de un 11.4% neto mientras que aquellos traders que apenas operaban superaban incluso al mercado obteniendo un 18.5% anual.

Hasta aquí hemos visto estudios sobre traders de futuros y acciones pero, ¿qué ocurre con la inversión en fondos de inversión? La empresa Dalbar Inc. (http://www.dalbar.com/) publica desde hace varios años un estudio titulado Quantitative Analysis of Investor Behaviour. La conclusión que se repite todos los años es que los inversores en fondos son tan escandalosamente ineptos a la hora de tomar sus decisiones de inversión que consiguen ganar menos que los fondos de inversión cuyas participaciones habían adquirido. Considerando el periodo 1985-2001, el inversor medio que invirtió en fondos de inversión tan sólo logró quedarse con el 6% de las ganancias anuales del S&P500!!!

Según los autores, ello se debe a que los inversores van por detrás de la rentabilidad, colocando su dinero en fondos que han tenido unos elevados rendimientos en el pasado y vendiendo las participaciones de aquellos fondos que no eran rentables.

Otro resultado interesante es el que aparece en la edición de este estudio en 1993: los inversores que eran asesorados habían obtenido de media un 90.21% de rentabilidad en los últimos diez años mientras que los inversores que gestionaron por cuenta propia sus inversiones habían obtenido un 70.23%. Esta diferencia entre las rentabilidades no se debía a la excelente formación de los asesores sino a que los inversores asesorados mantenían más tiempo en cartera sus posiciones. En todo caso, si bien las rentabilidades señaladas parecen bastante aceptables, durante el mismo periodo el S&P500 obtuvo una rentabilidad del 293%.

En todo caso, ya sea un 65% o un 95% de traders los que pierden, tal y como señalan Teweles y Jones en el excelente The Futures Game: Who Wins? Who Loses? Why? (http://www.amazon.com/Futures-Game-Who-Wins-Loses/dp/0070637342) el único responsable de las pérdidas es el propio trader:

Es importante observar que la pobre rentabilidad obtenida por los traders particulares depende en gran medida de su incapacidad para gestionar el dinero de forma inteligente. De los cuatro pilares de la gestión monetaria, la esperanza matemática del juego y la probabilidad de ruina posiblemente sean los principales culpables. El trader particular rara vez considera la esperanza matemática del juego examinando la probabilidad de que se dé un determinado suceso, así como el ratio ganancia/pérdida y los gastos en los que se incurre al operar. En su deseo de participar al máximo en el juego de la especulación, en el que los resultados, sean buenos o malos, se producen rápidamente, no se reflexiona acerca de la probabilidad de ruina, considerando que en realidad no es posible variar la esperanza matemática de un juego utilizando una estrategia.

Sin embargo, tampoco podemos afirmar que todos estos resultados estadísticos no tienen ningún interés para nadie...

14 julio 2007

Los consejos de Francisco Paramés, de Bestinver, a Warren Buffett, son pesimistas sobre España

Francisco Paramés, el mejor gestor de fondos español de los últimos cinco años, recibió hace unos meses una carta de Warren Buffett en la que éste le pedía consejo para invertir en España. La consulta le entusiasmó, aunque la situación de la economía del país no le parece precisamente boyante: prevé un derrumbe del mercado inmobiliario en el país que arrastrará consigo a las empresas que dependen de la economía española. Los préstamos de los bancos y otras entidades de crédito casi se han triplicado desde el año 2000.

Según Paramés, que tiene ahora 43 años, mucha gente acabará en el paro. “Nuestra apuesta principal es la que no se ve: no apostar por la economía española, que se enfrenta a tiempos muy difíciles debido a la burbuja crediticia”.

Lo que Francisco Paramés viene aconsejando últimamente a los inversores es que aumenten su exposición a la renta variable mundial y prescindan de las acciones españolas. También está relajando las condiciones que le exigen mantener fundamentalmente valores españoles en su principal fondo Ibérico, y está comprando más acciones portuguesas y de empresas pseudo-locales, como Arcelor-Mittal, la primera acerera del mundo, con base en Rotterdam y cuyas acciones cotizan en Madrid.

La estrategia le está dando buenos resultados. Su fondo de renta variable Bestinver Bolsa, con unos activos gestionados de 1.160 millones de euros, ha obtenido rentabilidades anuales del 27% durante los últimos 5 años, lo que lo ha convertido en el fondo más rentable del mercado español, según datos de Bloomberg.

05 julio 2007

An Unacceptable (But Instructive) Model

I've frequently noted that investors need not take market risk at all times (or even a majority of the time) to capture the long-term return of the stock market. What is needed most is the avoidance of deep losses. It also helps to be willing to accept market exposure when valuations are depressed and other investors are bearish - particularly when yield pressures are falling. Indeed, there are numerous investment approaches that would have outperformed the market over time with less risk than a buy-and-hold strategy - the work is to find those that have good theoretical underpinnings and aren't just hindsight.

To advance that case without going into anything proprietary, here is a very simple (and definitely simplistic) model that I would never advocate using in practice, but I think it is instructive nonetheless. It substantially outperforms the market in historical data since 1965, and has sidestepped every major bear market, with a maximum drawdown of less than 15% at its worst point, compared with a maximum loss of nearly 50% for the S&P 500 (in the 73-74 bear, and again in 2000-2002).

The model goes long when the S&P 500 P/E is below 18 (based on the highest level of trailing net earnings to-date), the 10-year Treasury yield is below its level of 6 months earlier, and the Investors Intelligence figures show bearishness above 30% (measured as bears plus half of the “correction” camp). It sells on the reverse conditions, when the P/E is above 18, the 10-year Treasury yield is above its level of 6 months earlier, and bearishness is below 30%. It stays in its existing position until all three factors shift one way or another.

In my view, this is an unacceptable model for several reasons. First, it is a “timing” model – it is either in or out, on a “buy signal” or a “sell signal,” which misses a great deal of potential returns that can be earned by varying market exposure in proportion to the return/risk profile of the market (which is what we do in practice). Second, it requires certain indicators to “ring a bell” and hit very specific “magic” levels. Such models are not very robust, in that the indicators can just miss such levels, and in the process, miss important moves altogether. While this model, for example, has sidestepped bear markets since 1965, there's no particular reason to believe that it won't miss a future one. A good investment model uses specific levels of an indicator only for fine-tuning – not to generate an all-or-nothing investment position.

Third, despite its reasonable long-term performance (though nothing exciting), the model has sat out of the market for 90% of the past decade, including much of 2003, which was quite an acceptable period to take market exposure. Though the model outperforms the market since 1965, it would have been invested only about 30% of the time. While that seems like a good thing, it also means that it is too sensitive to specific conditions being met, and leaves far more on the table than it should. The model has to compensate for that by allowing the possibility of 100% exposure at relatively high P/Es near 18, while good models can be more selective at rich valuations while capturing a larger portion of returns at lower valuations. Overall, a good model may very well be defensive for long periods of time, but taking an exposure only 30% of the time is far too conservative and creates far too much tracking risk relative to the major indices.

Despite its shortcomings, there are several reasons to present this model. First, it offers some insight into the considerations that separate a practical, useful investment model from one that simply looks good on paper. Second, it underscores the fact that an investor can sit out an enormous amount of time from the market and still capture all of its long-term return – provided the time spent out of the market is generally characterized by rich valuations, rising yield pressures, and high bullish sentiment, and that the investor generally does take exposure during periods of favorable valuations, falling yields, and high bearish sentiment.

In any event, moving to a defensive investment stance on rich valuations, rising interest rates, and high bullish sentiment has not historically resulted in missed long-term returns. To the contrary, the main outcomes an investor would have missed were the major bear market declines of the past half century.

Given current rich valuations, rising interest rates, and high bullish sentiment, all of this is clearly worth keeping in mind. Suffice it to say that I have no concern that our recent defensiveness will result in missed long-term returns. Though I have no strong opinions regarding short-term market direction here, I expect that the present speculation of investors will be quite poorly rewarded over time

25 junio 2007

LTCM Speaks

In a series of secretive roadshows, LTCM partners now admit they badly misjudged market dynamics and volatility, making common risk management mistakes on a grand scale.

By Joe Kolman

The story of the fall of long term capital management has all the elements of a cheap financial thriller. Greedy financiers with platinum pedigrees create a superfirm with spectacular returns. But their high-stakes trading schemes push the financial world to the brink of collapse. After the failure of a last-minute low-ball bid by a daring billionaire, the Federal Reserve forces a consortium of banks into a bailout that saves the financial world from catastrophe.

The high drama is all too familiar to readers of the financial press. We know all about the background and ambitions of John Meriwether and the firm’s other partners, its bread-and-butter relative-value trades and its quirky side bets on takeover stocks. Since the bailout, we’ve been told that the consortium of banks that have rescued the fund has reduced the risk in its portfolio by some 50 percent. And recently, we’ve heard that the fund has recovered to such an extent that it will return investment capital to the bailout partners much quicker than originally anticipated.

Despite all the hyperbole, the central mystery remains: How could some of the best minds in the financial world get it so wrong? Even with the reams of analysis, we still don’t know how the partners thought about risk and what precisely went wrong with their risk management strategy. The firm, never friendly to the press, has become a walled fortress since the bailout. The information vacuum has allowed a series of rumors to go unchallenged and coalesce into firmly held beliefs.

The only member of the press who has a received detailed briefing from LTCM is Michael Lewis, author of Liar’s Poker, and arguably the nation’s premier financial journalist. Lewis was allowed to interview the principals at length and pore over the firm’s books. His article in the Times Sunday Magazine on January 24 gives a number of new insights into the drama, and includes a particularly vivid account of how rivals picked apart LTCM’s portfolio like a piece of roadkill. But the piece, written for a general audience, did not attempt to explain the intricacies of LTCM’s risk management strategy.

A few other people, however, have also been getting a peek behind the curtain. In recent months, partners from LTCM have been quietly making presentations to groups of investors and academics, explaining what they believe went wrong. These off-the-record discussions have been as secretive as an intelligence briefing. Participants are not permitted to take notes, and copies of the slide presentation are not distributed.

The presentations may be designed to rebuild investor confidence in preparation for a phoenix-like rebirth after the consortium packs its bags. They may also serve to establish an intellectual base of support in the academic community.

The roadshow has shed light on a number of unanswered questions, and audience members are now discussing the LTCM affair with new insight. By relying on people who have heard the presentations, it’s possible to piece together LTCM’s view of events. This article is based on such information. LTCM has not responded to several requests for comment.

The conclusions to be drawn from LTCM’s account and the reactions of industry experts are surprising. The firm’s disastrous losses have led many people to assume that the firm simply didn’t practice risk management. That couldn’t be further from the truth. It has now become clear that LTCM used industry-standard risk management methodologies, but put undue reliance on value-at-risk numbers at the expense of stress testing. LTCM partners also admit the firm badly misjudged market dynamics and liquidity issues, and failed to reduce the firm’s risk in the wake of losses. Readers looking to find a story of lunatic financiers run amok are bound to be disappointed. LTCM made a series of common risk management mistakes, but made them on a huge scale.

Preparing for trouble

In January 1998, Long-Term Capital Management was of the world’s most respected hedge funds. During the previous year, the firm decided to return $2.7 billion to investors, explaining that investment opportunities in its core relative-value market had diminished. Many investors thought the explanation smelled like an excuse to push them out. If opportunities had decreased, why were the partners leaving their own money in the fund?

LTCM was perceived as the master of relative-value trading, which involves buying one instrument and simultaneously selling another. The theory was that the portfolio would make money on the increase or decrease in the spread between the two positions and would be unaffected by the absolute level of the instruments.

LTCM was not the only firm in the relative-value business. Salomon Brothers’ proprietary trading desk, Meriwether’s alma mater, was considered LTCM’s closest cousin. But a number of hedge funds and bank trading desks were doing simplistic versions of its strategy. Although these firms didn’t have the sophisticated models LTCM was thought to possess, opportunities were relatively easy to identify and a few relative value trades were widely held. LTCM’s portfolio, however, was thought to be in a class by itself, built on opportunities that could be identified by only the most elaborate modeling techniques.

Like most players in the derivatives market, LTCM used a variety of risk management techniques, including value-at-risk, stress testing and scenario analysis. VAR analysis estimates the maximum loss that can be suffered at a certain level of confidence, often 95 percent or 99 percent. VAR numbers are estimated using historical information about volatility and correlation. The assumption is that the future will be approximately like the past.

LTCM’s firm-wide VAR analysis analyzed the thousands of positions it held and generated predictions about the daily profit-and-loss volatility it was likely to face. During the beginning of 1998, LTCM managers say they carefully geared their portfolios so that the daily firm-wide P&L volatility remained at about $45 million.

Risk managers were comforted by other statistics. According to LTCM models discussed in the roadshow, a 10 percent loss in its portfolio was judged to be a three-standard-deviation event—an event that would occur once in a thousand or so trading periods. A loss of 50 percent of its portfolio was unthinkably high. According to one of its estimates, the firm would have had to wait 10-to-the-30th days—several billion times the life of the universe—to experience that kind of loss. By massaging the data, and applying other, more conservative econometric techniques, it would have had to wait 10-to-the-ninth days.

Like most hedge funds, LTCM was prepared to adjust its portfolio risk when it suffered losses. If it lost 10 percent in a particular month, it had to be ready to take its risk down by an equivalent amount. If it lost another 10 percent the following month, it had to be prepared to do the same thing again and again.

This kind of portfolio adjustment is necessary to avoid a phenomenon called gamblers ruin. The goal is to bet a constant proportion of your total capital instead of betting an absolute number. A gambler who starts out at the racetrack with $10 and promptly loses $5 would bet $2.50 in the next race, and so on.

Although LTCM had presented itself as master of relative-value trading, it had strayed into a number of other trading specialties that were not market neutral, including risk arbitrage and emerging-market cash bonds. The firm also made big bets that volatility in European and U.S. stock indices would return to normal levels.

In early 1998, however, most of the firm’s balance sheet was concentrated in government and agency securities and reverse repurchase agreements necessary for its core relative-value trading. Most of the firms that engaged in these types of trades at the time tended to buy lower-quality non-government bonds and short higher-quality government bonds. They performed this bond arbitrage by borrowing the bond they were short in the repo market and lending the bond they were long. LTCM also took positions involving the spread between off-the-run Treasuries (30-year securities with less than 30 years to maturity) and on-the-run Treasuries (newly minted 30-year bonds). Their strategy was designed to exploit the difference in yields that resulted from differences in liquidity rather than differences in credit quality.

Most arbitrageurs who perform these strategies suffer from a critical weakness: Although they may be able to borrow the bonds they need overnight, they have no assurance they’ll be able to get them again the next night. The investor who loaned the bonds one night might decide to sell them the next, forcing traders executing the strategy to close out their positions. LTCM managers say they thought they had eliminated the risks on the firm’s short bond positions. Instead of borrowing the bonds in the repo market, LTCM used its clout with banks to secure long-term financing of its short positions.

LTCM managers were also reassured by the presence of other participants in the relative-value game. “We put very little emphasis on what other leveraged players were doing, because I think we thought they would behave similarly to ourselves,” partner Victor Haghani told Lewis. In other words, LTCM believed prices were not likely to fall dramatically because its competitors would continue to see long-term values and hold onto their positions when markets got rocky. Relative-value players often double-up on positions when prices drop on the assumption that they will return to normal, and LTCM may have assumed that LTCM competitors would buy aggressively instead of panicking during a market downturn.

LTCM managers say they were also reassured by the firm’s degree of leverage. Although LTCM’s leverage ratio eventually reached 100:1, its leverage before the crisis was about 25:1, with about $4.7 billion in capital and $125 billion in debt. In their post-bailout presentations, LTCM partners compared the firm’s targeted 25:1 leverage during that period to the 34:1 leverage common at securities firms and the 24:1 leverage common at money-center banks. According to another LTCM explanation, the firm was trying to earn 1 percent on assets, leveraged 25 times, which would result in a 25 percent return.

The Summer of ’98

According to LTCM managers, the trouble began in May and June of last year. A downturn in the mortgage-backed securities market forced some key hedge funds to liquidate their emerging-market positions. Meanwhile, the Treasury bond market was rallying. That led to a general widening of credit spreads that inevitably put pressure on relative-value strategies, which are chronically short Treasuries.

LTCM was also feeling pressure on another front. During the same period, Salomon Brothers was quietly closing down its proprietary trading business. LTCM knew that Salomon was moving out of its positions, but misjudged the effect. LTCM may have thought that other relative-value players would step in to buy Salomon’s positions. Few did, and the positions held by both firms sank like a stone.

LTCM experienced a 16 percent drop in its net asset value during May and June 1998, the first time it had experienced losses in two consecutive months. In a letter sent to investors at the time, Meriwether reported that “future expected returns are good.” In the roadshow presentation, the firm explains that it began moving out of positions in order to take the firm’s expected risk down from the $45 million-a-day level closer to $34 million a day.

The firm admits, however, that in doing so it made a critical mistake: Instead of taking every single position down 15 percent, it decided that some of the investments looked better than others, and took off the ones that looked the least attractive. The least-attractive positions tended to be the more liquid investments that generated modest returns. The highest-return trades, by contrast, were usually the funkiest and most illiquid.

At first, however, everything seemed fine. The models confirmed that the firm’s portfolio risk had been reduced from 45 percent to about 35 percent. The problem was that the portfolio had become much more illiquid, and the LTCM models did not take this into account. Reality inevitably caught up with the models. Instead of the $35 million daily P&L volatility the models forecasted, managers say daily volatility soon reached $100 million and higher. Something was clearly wrong with the way the firm was modeling its risk.

Then came August 1998, when the market moves were sharper than anything the firm had expected. On August 17, Russia announced it was restructuring its bond payments—a de facto default. The losses forced many investment banks, hedge funds and other institutional investors to reduce their positions en masse. The flight to quality boosted prices for Treasury bonds and sunk prices for lower quality bonds in an unprecedented fashion.

Credit spreads had never moved so far so fast. The most dramatic manifestation of the phenomenon was in swap spreads, which represent the differential in interest rates paid by high-grade banks and Treasury securities. Swap spreads had never moved more than two or three basis points in a two-day period. On the morning of August 21, 1998, they moved 21 basis points.

LTCM’s losses were breathtaking. On August 21 alone, the firm lost $550 million.

In late August, the fund found itself down 44 percent for the year, with more than 80 percent of its losses in its core relative-value trades. The models had judged that kind of loss to be a 14-standard-deviation event, something that occurs once in several billion times the life of the universe. But the event had occurred within five years of the fund’s launch.

LTCM partners were particularly disturbed about their new leverage ratio. The losses in equity had made the firm involuntarily overleveraged. But the partners had not given up hope. Although the firm was undercapitalized, and involuntarily overleveraged, the partners believed they would not be threatened by margin calls. On top of that, they believed their trades looked great because, over time, the credit spreads would have to return to normal. In the face of total collapse, they decided to stick with their core strategy.

But something had to be done about the firm’s leverage ratio. It desperately needed to get more capital to shore up its $100 billion in debt. With $2.3 billion in equity, its leverage ratio was an abysmal 43:1. With $1.5 billion in fresh capital—a total of $3.8 billion—the ratio would be a more respectable 26:1.

In some respects, raising that kind of money was not a preposterous dream. In 1997, LTCM had forcibly returned $2.7 billion to unwilling investors. Now it wanted to borrow some of it back. By this time, however, the firm’s P&L was moving $100 million or $200 million a day. And as the losses mounted, the firm needed more and more capital to survive.

The problem was timing. The $1.5 billion had to be raised during the last week in August, a time when most of Europe was on vacation and most of Wall Street was in the Hamptons. But the firm had no choice. On September 1, LTCM was scheduled to announce its net asset value. Once it revealed it was down 50 percent for the year, the financial world would rush to protect itself from an LTCM meltdown.

In retrospect, trying to raise $1.5 billion during that particular week seems desperate, naïve or both. In the course of begging from Wall Street, the firm was forced to reveal many of its positions. And the more people knew about LTCM, the more eager the market was to protect itself from—and take advantage of—an LTCM collapse.

LTCM became the victim of a classic squeeze by the arbitrageurs it competed with. The drama of Wall Street sharks eating one of their own is chronicled in Lewis’ Times article. According to Lewis, many Wall Street firms got out in front of LTCM’s positions and made bundles of money—including A.I.G., which was trying to weaken LTCM’s positions so it could buy its portfolio on the cheap.

“It was the trades that the market knew we had on that caused us trouble,” Meriwether told Lewis. “It ceased to feel like people were liquidating positions similar to ours,” agreed LTCM partner Richard Leahy. “All of a sudden they were liquidating our positions.” According to Haghani, “It was as if there was someone out there with our exact portfolio, only it was three times as large as ours and they were liquidating all at once.”

By mid-September of last year, it became clear the end was near. On September 21, two days before the consortium agreement, the firm’s NAV dropped to below $1 billion, with total assets above $100 billion. The firm was leveraged more than 100:1. On September 23, capital adequacy was restored to the fund by 14 banks, which invested $3.6 billion in return for a 90 percent stake in the firm.

Mistaken assumptions

So what went wrong? In the various versions of their roadshow, LTCM partners have compiled an odd assortment of mea culpas. First, they now admit that they were not fully aware of market price dynamics. According to economic theory, a bond that is too cheap should attract buyers. But in a skittish market, lower prices can repel buyers. The firm also attempted to diversify its risk across a number of markets, but failed to recognize how those efforts would come to naught when other relative-value funds began liquidating similar positions.

Second, LTCM says it is now more aware of the importance of stress testing vis-à-vis VAR methodologies. In effect, the firm is arguing that its over-reliance on VAR methods did not allow it to anticipate how the markets would behave. VAR calculations are based on historical data, but the past is a poor guide to the future. In July 1998, Russia defaulted on its domestic debt but not on its foreign debt. Because an event of that nature had never occurred, a model would assign it a probability of zero. The risk is there; you just don’t know what it is.

Third, LTCM now says it was surprised by how negatively correlated its returns were with liquidity. When the financial world decided to cut its risk exposure, global liquidity dried up and nobody wanted to take the other side of LTCM’s trades. The firm also admits that when it was time to reduce its risk positions, it should have started selling off its funkier, illiquid holdings sooner.

Fourth, the firm has now concluded that its positions were simply too big for some of the markets it traded in. It estimates that cutting its positions by 50 percent wouldn’t have been enough, but slashing its core positions to one-quarter of its size might have allowed it to squeak by.

On a broader note, the partners argue that the events of the summer of 1998 were impossible to predict, and that nothing in the historical data could have prepared them for what happened. The data were simply inadequate. “What we did is rely on experience,” Haghani told Lewis. “And all science is based on experience. And if you’re not willing to draw any conclusions from experience, you might as well sit on your hands and do nothing.”

Elsewhere in the piece, strategist Ayman Hindy argues: “The models tell you where things will be in five years. But they don’t tell you what happens before you get to the moment of certainty.” In other words, although there may be some certainty that the LTCM trades would pay off if held to maturity, there’s no certainty about what would happen along the way.

Common mistakes

Part of the intent of the LTCM roadshow was to stimulate debate about the risk management issues surrounding the firm’s collapse. Risk managers, traders and academics who have heard LTCM’s presentation have drawn different conclusions. Before the meltdown, they assumed that LTCM’s relative-value trades were far more sophisticated than those of its competitors. But when details about the firm’s portfolio finally emerged, audience members were shocked at the simplicity of the firm’s trading ideas.

Roadshow attendees have a similar reaction to what LTCM says it learned from its experience. In most cases, they are basic principles that might be taught in Risk Management 201, lessons any sophisticated market participant should have been aware of.

LTCM, for example, says it was unprepared for the severity of the jump in credit spreads and the liquidity crisis that followed. But hedge funds had dumped liquid positions en masse many times, most notably in the fall of 1994, when investors liquidated German Bund positions in response to losses in less liquid Italian, Spanish and Australian government bonds. A simple flight-to-quality scenario could have modeled what might happen if investors bid up Treasuries through the roof. These scenarios may have been dutifully performed by LTCM risk managers and then dismissed as unlikely. LTCM also admits it mistakenly dumped liquid positions instead of selling off its more exotic positions. In doing so, it violated one of the core principles of dynamic trading.

Risk managers find it strange that LTCM was surprised by the collapse of its diversification strategies during the crisis. LTCM was certainly aware that other players held similar relative-value bets and that correlations tend to evaporate during periods of market stress. Why didn’t the firm take this threat seriously enough?

They are also surprised that the firm relied so heavily on VAR, a methodology whose problems are well-documented. A number of firms, in fact, have moved away from VAR and have put more emphasis on stress testing and other methodologies.

Spinning the LTCM Story
When New York Times reporter Michael Lewis made his way through the press blockade to interview the principals of LTCM, it was without the consent of the bank consortium orchestrating the bailout. “It was clear the consortium did not want me to be there, but once I was in, the damage was done,” he says. “The consortium then decided that LTCM principals are not to talk to the press without their consent. I find that a little weird.”

In Lewis’ view, the consortium wants the world to see LTCM as an irresponsible hedge fund that became profitable only through its cleanup efforts. LTCM, by contrast, wants people to believe it made smart trades that hit a period of unusual market volatility but were ultimately profitable.

Since the consortium has controlled access to the press, Lewis believes that most of the reportage thus far has been prejudiced against LTCM. But he predicts that will change when the consortium leaves and LTCM becomes eager to restore its reputation and attract new money.

“Round 1 will show how brilliantly the consortium managed a way out of a crisis and controlled these lunatics,” he explains. “Round 2 will come after the consortium leaves, when LTCM can have all the reporters in and explain that the consortium simply sat on top of bets they put on before the consortium arrived.”

—J.K.

Others object to LTCM’s framing of the problem as one of data gathering. LTCM managers say they couldn’t calibrate their models effectively because the data they needed were inadequate. But even perfect data would not have helped them because the past is simply not adequate to predict the future. This inherent limitation in risk modeling is often corrected by risk limits that force managers to get out of positions when losses hit a certain level. But relative-value traders routinely avoid risk limits on the assumption that mispricings are temporary and will inevitably return to normal.

This confidence in the face of market phenomena may be the ultimate cause of LTCM’s downfall. The firm’s claims to scientific reasoning suffer from a critical weakness. LTCM was supremely confident of its ability to model risk. But a model, after all, is a hypothesis about market phenomena, and when scientific hypotheses are tested in the real world and don’t measure up, they are modified or discarded. In July and August 1998, LTCM’s models were predicting a daily P&L volatility of $35 million. When actual volatility proved to be much higher, why didn’t the firm modify or discard its models?

There were plenty of early warnings. Alarm bells should have been ringing in Greenwich, Conn., when risk models judged that an LTCM collapse would occur only once in an impossibly long time. Was an LTCM collapse truly a 15-sigma event? Or did the firm grossly misestimate the inputs to the models?

When LTCM was started, the principals went to great lengths to lock up enough capital to support their trading strategy. Yet they clearly failed to secure enough long-term capital to get the firm through the summer of 1998. LTCM mistakenly assumed that its principal liquidity risk would be from investor withdrawals following a big fund loss, and protected itself by locking up investors’ capital for years at a time. It also assumed it could protect its short repo positions with long-term financing. But in the end, the firm was brought down when a foolhardy bet on takeover stocks triggered a gigantic margin call by Bear Stearns. Ultimately, the firm misjudged the expected duration of trades and the financing that supported them.

If LTCM had less leverage and more capital, it may have survived. Instead of going begging to Wall Street and revealing its positions, the firm could have simply announced a 50 percent drop in NAV and waited until the market returned. In hindsight, of course, the fund shouldn’t have given back that $2.7 billion in 1997.

During the crisis, LTCM saw dozens of tantalizing trading opportunities it didn’t have the resources to pursue. Since the bailout, many of the LTCM’s original positions have turned into big money makers, and partners say there are still plenty of opportunities to exploit. Although LTCM made some disastrous risk management mistakes, the partners may have been right. On Wall Street, however, being right doesn’t matter if you don’t have enough money. The final irony may be that Long-Term Capital Management didn’t have enough long term capital.
Artículos relacionados:
LTCM - Long Term Capital Management

LTCM - Long Term Capital Management


In 1994, John Meriwether, the famed Salomon Brothers bond trader, founded a hedge fund called Long-Term Capital Management. Meriwether assembled an all-star team of traders and academics in an attempt to create a fund that would profit from the combination of the academics' quantitative models and the traders' market judgement and execution capabilities. Sophisticated investors, including many large investment banks, flocked to the fund, investing $1.3 billion at inception. But four years later, at the end of September 1998, the fund had lost substantial amounts of the investors' equity capital and was teetering on the brink of default. To avoid the threat of a systemic crisis in the world financial system, the Federal Reserve orchestrated a $3.5 billion rescue package from leading U.S. investment and commercial banks. In exchange the participants received 90% of LTCM's equity.

The lessons to be learned from this crisis are:

Market values matter for leveraged portfolios;

Liquidity itself is a risk factor;

Models must be stress-tested and combined with judgement; and

Financial institutions should aggregate exposures to common risk factors.



LTCM seemed destined for success. After all, it had John Meriwether, the famed bond trader from Salomon Brothers, at its helm. Also on board were Nobel-prize winning economists Myron Scholes and Robert Merton, as well as David Mullins, a former vice-chairman of the Federal Reserve Board who had quit his job to become a partner at LTCM. These credentials convinced 80 founding investors to pony up the minimum investment of $10 million apiece, including Bear Sterns President James Cayne and his deputy. Merrill Lynch purchased a significant share to sell to its wealthy clients, including a number of its executives and its own CEO, David Komansky. A similar strategy was employed by the Union Bank of Switzerland (The Washington Post, 9/27/98).

LTCM's main strategy was to make convergence trades. These trades involved finding securities that were mispriced relative to one another, taking long positions in the cheap ones and short positions in the rich ones. There were four main types of trade:

Convergence among U.S., Japan, and European sovereign bonds;

Convergence among European sovereign bonds;

Convergence between on-the-run and off-the-run U.S. government bonds;

Long positions in emerging markets sovereigns, hedged back to dollars.

Because these differences in values were tiny, the fund needed to take large and highly-leveraged positions in order to make a significant profit. At the beginning of 1998, the fund had equity of $5 billion and had borrowed over $125 billion — a leverage factor of roughly thirty to one. LTCM's partners believed, on the basis of their complex computer models, that the long and short positions were highly correlated and so the net risk was small.



1994: Long-Term Capital Management is founded by John Meriwether and accepts investments from 80 investors who put up a minimum of $10 million each. The initial equity capitalisation of the firm is $1.3 billion. (The Washington Post, 27 September 1998)

End of 1997: After two years of returns running close to 40%, the fund has some $7 billion under management and is achieving only a 27% return — comparable with the return on US equities that year.

Meriwether returns about $2.7 billion of the fund's capital back to investors because "investment opportunities were not large and attractive enough" (The Washington Post, 27 September 1998).

Early 1998: The portfolio under LTCM's control amounts to well over $100 billion, while net asset value stands at some $4 billion; its swaps position is valued at some $1.25 trillion notional, equal to 5% of the entire global market. It had become a major supplier of index volatility to investment banks, was active in mortgage-backed securities and was dabbling in emerging markets such as Russia (Risk, October 1998)

17 August 1998: Russia devalues the rouble and declares a moratorium on 281 billion roubles ($13.5 billion) of its Treasury debt. The result is a massive "flight to quality", with investors flooding out of any remotely risky market and into the most secure instruments within the already "risk-free" government bond market. Ultimately, this results in a liquidity crisis of enormous proportions, dealing a severe blow to LTCM's portfolio.

1 September 1998: LTCM's equity has dropped to $2.3 billion. John Meriwether circulates a letter which discloses the massive loss and offers the chance to invest in the fund "on special terms". Existing investors are told that they will not be allowed to withdraw more than 12% of their investment, and not until December.

22 September 1998: LTCM's equity has dropped to $600 million. The portfolio has not shrunk significantly, and so its leverage is even higher. Banks begin to doubt the fund's ability to meet its margin calls but cannot move to liquidate for fear that it will precipitate a crisis that will cause huge losses among the fund's counterparties and potentially lead to a systemic crisis.

23 September 98: Goldman Sachs, AIG and Warren Buffett offer to buy out LTCM's partners for $250 million, to inject $4 billion into the ailing fund and run it as part of Goldman's proprietary trading operation. The offer is not accepted. That afternoon, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, acting to prevent a potential systemic meltdown, organises a rescue package under which a consortium of leading investment and commercial banks, including LTCM's major creditors, inject $3.5-billion into the fund and take over its management, in exchange for 90% of LTCM's equity.

Fourth quarter 1998: The damage from LTCM's near-demise was widespread. Many banks take a substantial write-off as a result of losses on their investments. UBS takes a third-quarter charge of $700 million, Dresdner Bank AG a $145 million charge, and Credit Suisse $55 million. Additionally, UBS chairman Mathis Cabiallavetta and three top executives resign in the wake of the bank's losses (The Wall Street Journal Europe, 5 October 1998). Merrill Lynch's global head of risk and credit management likewise leaves the firm.

April 1999: President Clinton publishes a study of the LTCM crisis and its implications for systemic risk in financial markets, entitled the President's Working Group on Financial Markets (Governance and Risk Control-Regulatory guidelines-president's working group)


Analysis:
The Proximate Cause: Russian Sovereign Default

The proximate cause for LTCM's debacle was Russia's default on its government obligations (GKOs). LTCM believed it had somewhat hedged its GKO position by selling rubles. In theory, if Russia defaulted on its bonds, then the value of its currency would collapse and a profit could be made in the foreign exchange market that would offset the loss on the bonds.

Unfortunately, the banks guaranteeing the ruble hedge shut down when the Russian ruble collapsed, and the Russian government prevented further trading in its currency. (The Financial Post, 9/26/98). While this caused significant losses for LTCM, these losses were not even close to being large enough to bring the hedge fund down. Rather, the ultimate cause of its demise was the ensuing flight to liquidity described in the following section.

The Ultimate Cause: Flight to Liquidity

The ultimate cause of the LTCM debacle was the "flight to liquidity" across the global fixed income markets. As Russia's troubles became deeper and deeper, fixed-income portfolio managers began to shift their assets to more liquid assets. In particular, many investors shifted their investments into the U.S. Treasury market. In fact, so great was the panic that investors moved money not just into Treasurys, but into the most liquid part of the U.S. Treasury market -- the most recently issued, or "on-the-run" Treasuries. While the U.S. Treasury market is relatively liquid in normal market conditions, this global flight to liquidity hit the on-the-run Treasuries like a freight train. The spread between the yields on on-the-run Treasuries and off-the-run Treasuries widened dramatically: even though the off-the-run bonds were theoretically cheap relative to the on-the-run bonds, they got much cheaper still (on a relative basis).

What LTCM had failed to account for is that a substantial portion of its balance sheet was exposed to a general change in the "price" of liquidity. If liquidity became more valuable (as it did following the crisis) its short positions would increase in price relative to its long positions. This was essentially a massive, unhedged exposure to a single risk factor.

As an aside, this situation was made worse by the fact that the size of the new issuance of U.S. Treasury bonds has declined over the past several years. This has effectively reduced the liquidity of the Treasury market, making it more likely that a flight to liquidity could dislocate this market.

Systemic Risk: The Domino Effect

The preceding analysis explains why LTCM almost failed. However, it does not explain why this near-failure should threaten the stability of the global financial markets. The reason was that virtually all of the leveraged Treasury bond investors had similar positions: Salomon Brothers, Merrill Lynch, the III Fund (a fixed-income hedge fund that also failed as a result of the crisis) and likely others.

There were two reasons for the lack of diversity of opinion in the market. The first is that virtually all of the sophisticated models being run by the leveraged players said the same thing: that off-the-run Treasuries were significantly cheap compared with the on-the-run Treasuries. The second is that many of the investment banks obtained order flow information through their dealings with LTCM. They therefore would have known many of the actual positions and would have taken up similar positions alongside their client.

Indeed, one industry participant suggested that the Russian crisis was the crowning blow on a domino effect that had started months before. In early 1998, Sandy Weill, as co-head of Citigroup, decided to shut down the famous Salomon Brothers Treasury bond arbitrage desk. Salomon, one of the largest players in the on-the-run/off-the-run trade, had to begin liquidating its positions. As it did so, these trades became cheaper and cheaper, putting pressure on all of the other leveraged players.



Lessons to be learned:
Market values matter

LTCM was perhaps the biggest disaster of its kind, but it was not the first. It had been preceded by a number of other cases of highly-leveraged quantitative firms that went under in similar circumstances.

One of the earliest was Franklin Savings and Loan, a hedge fund dressed down as a savings & loan. Franklin's management had figured out that many of the riskier pieces of mortgage derivatives were undervalued because a) the market could not understand the risk on the risky pieces; and b) the market overvalued those pieces with well-behaved accounting results. Franklin decided it was willing to suffer volatile accounting results in exchange for good economics.

More recently, the Granite funds, which specialised in mortgage-backed securities trading, suffered as the result of similar trading strategies. The funds took advantage of the fact that "toxic waste" (risky tranches) from the mortgage derivatives market were good economic value. However, when the Fed raised interest rates in February 1994, Wall Street firms rushed to liquidate mortgage-backed securities, often at huge discounts.

Both of these firms claimed to have been hedged, but both went under when they were "margin-called". In Franklin's case, the caller was the Office of Thrift Supervision; in the Granite Fund's, the margin lenders. What is the common theme among Franklin, the Granite Funds and LTCM? All three depended on exploiting deviations in market value from fair value. And all three depended on "patient capital" -- shareholders and lenders who believed that what mattered was fair value and not market value. That is, these fund managers convinced their stakeholders that because the fair values were hedged, it didn't matter what happened to market values in the short run — they would converge to fair value over time. That was the reason for the "Long Term" part of LTCM's name.

The problem with this logic is that capital is only as patient as its least patient provider. The fact is that lenders generally lose their patience precisely when the funds need them to keep it — in times of market crisis. As all three cases demonstrate, the lenders are the first to get nervous when an external shock hits. At that point, they begin to ask the fund manager for market valuations, not models-based fair valuations. This starts the fund along the downward spiral: illiquid securities are marked-to-market; margin calls are made; the illiquid securities must be sold; more margin calls are made, and so on. In general, shareholders may provide patient capital; but debt-holders do not.

The lesson learned from these case studies spoils some of the supposed "free lunch" features of taking liquidity risk. These plays can indeed generate excellent risk-adjusted returns, but only if held for a long time. Unfortunately the only real source of capital that is patient enough to take fluctuations in market values, especially through crises, is equity capital.

In other words, you can take liquidity bets, but you cannot leverage them much.

Liquidity risk is itself a factor

As pointed out in the analysis section of this article, LTCM fell victim to a flight to liquidity. This phenomenon is common enough in capital markets crises that it should be built into risk models, either by introducing a new risk factor — liquidity — or by including a flight to liquidity in the stress testing (see the following section for more detail on this). This could be accomplished crudely by classifying securities as either liquid or illiquid. Liquid securities are assigned a positive exposure to the liquidity factor; illiquid securities are assigned a negative exposure to the liquidity factor. The size of the factor movement (measured in terms of the movement of the spread between liquid and illiquid securities) can be estimated either statistically or heuristically (perhaps using the LTCM crisis as a "worst case" scenario).

Using this approach, LTCM might have classified most of its long positions as illiquid and most of its short positions as liquid, thus having a notional exposure to the liquidity factor equal to twice its total balance sheet. A more refined model would account for a spectrum of possible liquidity across securities; at a minimum, however, the general concept of exposure to a liquidity risk factor should be incorporated in to any leveraged portfolio.

Models must be stress-tested and combined with judgement

Another key lesson to be learnt from the LTCM debacle is that even (or especially) the most sophisticated financial models are subject to model risk and parameter risk, and should therefore be stress-tested and tempered with judgement. While we are clearly privileged in exercising 20/20 hindsight, we can nonetheless think through the way in which judgement and stress-testing could have been used to mitigate, if not avoid, this disaster.

According to the complex mathematical models used by LTCM, the positions were low risk. Judgement tells us that the key assumption that the models depended on was the high correlation between the long and short positions. Certainly, recent history suggested that correlations between corporate bonds of different credit quality would move together (a correlation of between 90-95% over a 2-year horizon). During LTCM's crisis, however, this correlation dropped to 80%. Stress-testing against this lower correlation might have led LTCM to assume less leverage in taking this bet.

However, if LTCM had thought to stress test this correlation, given that it was such an important assumption, it would not even have had to make up a stress scenario. This correlation had dropped to 75% as recently as 1992 (Jorion, 1999). Simply including this stress scenario in the risk management of the fund might have led LTCM to assume less leverage in taking this bet.

Financial institutions must aggregate exposures to common risk factors

One of the other lessons to be learned by other financial institutions is that it is important to aggregate risk exposures across businesses. Many of the large dealer banks exposed to a Russian crisis across many different businesses only became aware of the commonality of these exposures after the LTCM crisis. For example, these banks owned Russian GKOs on their arbitrage desks, made commercial loans to Russian corporates in their lending businesses, and had indirect exposure to a Russian crisis through their prime brokerage lending to LTCM. A systematic risk management process should have discovered these common linkages ex ante and reported or reduced the risk concentration.

Artículos relacionados:
LTCM Speaks

09 junio 2007

La rentabilidad de los bonos pone en jaque a los dividendos

La perspectivas de mayores tipos de interés en Europa está ayudando a que los bonos se eleven a cotas de rentabilidad desconocidas desde cinco años. El bono español a 10 años está ya en el 4,58%, mientras que en la última subasta de Letras del Tesoro a 12 meses el rendimiento quedó fijado en el 4,199%. Los bancos se han puesto las pilas y ya no es un milagro encontrar depósitos al 4% para el público en general, algo que demuestra que ahorrar vuelve a ser rentable y sin riesgos.

Años atrás, una cuenta corriente o un depósito al 2,5% era todo un hallazgo, por lo que los ahorradores se tenían que buscar la vida para encontrar productos que les dieran más interés que la propia inflación si no querían perder poder adquisitivo.

Ahí fue cuando adquirieron un gran protagonismo los fondos garantizados (uno de los mayores engañabobos de los últimos años creados por la banca para aprovecharse del miedo de los inversores) y las compañías con elevada rentabilidad por dividendo. Éstas han servido de refugio a los ahorradores durante un tiempo en el que el banco no les daban nada por su dinero. Sin embargo, algunos inversores no estaban cómodos porque eso suponía tener que estar expuesto a la bolsa, algo que a algunos les crea insomnio pese a que en los últimos años ha sido muy rentable.

Y es que, actualmente, al igual que suben las hipotecas, se incrementa también la remuneración para el ahorro. Comprar una Letra del Tesoro y sentarse un año sobre ella para recibir casi un 4,2% de rentabilidad es posible. Esto hace que numerosas empresas cotizadas, que venden su rentabilidad por dividendo como su principal atractivo, tengan que buscar otras alternativas para mantener a ese conjunto de ahorradores en su capital. El tema es un constante debate estos días en los círculos financieros no ya por las cotas actuales de los tipos de interés, sino por los niveles que puede alcanzar. En Europa ya se habla del 5% para finales de 2008.

Y es que actualmente sólo cuatro empresas (Santander, Telefónica, Antena 3 TV y Telecinco) de las 123 compañías que componen el mercado continuo ofrecen una rentabilidad por dividendo bruta superior a interés que ofrece la Letra a un año. El Tesoro español, consciente del gran atractivo que adquiere su producto en este entorno, se ha lanzado a realizar una campaña con la que captar el ahorro de los españoles más conservadores.

Porque con la bolsa en máximos históricos y con los hachazos que sufre algunos días, son bastantes los ahorradores que han puesto el intermitente y se han retirado a posiciones más seguras. Y es que cada vez son más los escollos que tiene que afrontar la renta variable (mayores tipos de interés, ralentización de beneficios, máximos históricos, petróleo en un nivel elevado, crisis inmobiliaria...) por lo que las empresas que sólo venden rentabilidad por dividendo pueden pasarlo mal durante un tiempo.

Y es que señores directivos, tras años en los que esto se vendía sólo, ahora les toca innovar, que el bono viene apretando fuerte.

Utilizado en Fiebre de OPVs, los bonos y el IBEX

08 junio 2007

Party over in world stocks? Not yet for investors

Rising bond yields globally are rattling world stock markets, sending them to their worst drop since mid-March, but the big, bad equity correction might have to wait.

“You have to have these pullbacks because nothing goes straight up,” said Paul Hickey, co-founder of Bespoke Investment Group. The MSCI All-Country World Index on Wednesday finished its worst two-day drop since mid-March. That came on the heels of gains between March and the end of May of over 10%, and it is still up around 8.8% year-to-date.

Similarly, the Standard & Poor’s 500 also suffered its biggest two-day drop since mid-March this week, following gains of 7.72% in April and May. That was the index’s best two-month run in nearly four years. Small wonder investors are hitting the beach, even if briefly, for an early summer break.

The selling pressure in stocks has accelerated because of the rise in global yields, which has been fuelled by fears there will be no interest rate cuts this year after all, and may even be further interest-rate rises by the Federal Reserve and foreign central banks.

In its eighth interest rate rise since late 2005, the European Central Bank (ECB) lifted rates to a six-year high on Wednesday as it attempted to prevent economic growth from driving up inflation in the euro zone. Later in the session, New Zealand’s central bank raised interest rates by a quarter of percentage point to 8%, saying it was worried robust consumer demand would further fuel inflation.

This week, Merrill Lynch and Goldman Sachs Group both abandoned their forecast for any interest rate cuts this year by the Federal Reserve. The yield on the benchmark 10-year treasury note, which closed at 4.970% on Wednesday, has seen its yield climb 9 basis points from one week ago.

Yet investors say rising global yields aren’t enough to derail the bull run in stocks. In fact, rise in government bond yields around the globe are a reflection of strengthening domestic demand and capital spending growth.

“Central banks also are keen to normalise interest rates, following years when interest rates and yields were abnormally low,” added Warren Smith, managing editor of BCA Research in Montreal, Canada. There is a downside to improving economic growth prospects though. Smith said higher US bond yields risk dragging out the US housing slump and prolonging the economic slowdown. Michael Jones, chief executive office at Clover Capital Management in Rochester, New York, said US interest rate expectations have undergone an about-face and changed the outlook for the stock market.

“I think that is likely to be at least an excuse for a correction of this major positive upmove that we’ve had the last couple of months,” Jones said.

But Jones said a downturn should not be a cause for trepidation.

“We don’t live in fear of this market going down or this cycle coming to an end, but we recognise that it’s going to happen some day,” Jones said.

That day is unlikely to emerge soon. Even Chinese equities, having corrected by a larger amount over the past week than they did during the February-March correction, did little to spook world stock markets.

In fact, global markets are “totally ignoring” China this time, noted Larry Jeddeloh, chief financial officer of the TIS Group, which produces the Market Intelligence Report. The Shanghai Composite Index which had tumbled as much as 7.25% in early Wednesday, finished 2.63% higher at 3,767.101 points. The index had plummeted 21% since last Wednesday amid concerns about a stock-trading tax increase which was intended to cool the bull run. It is as if other markets regard the decline in Chinese stocks as healthy, Jeddeloh said. “They want it to happen, so when the market gets what it wants, up it goes,” he added. All told, strategists say the bull market in stocks still has some life because of the excess cash corporate America is putting to work in the form of share buybacks and cash-funded mergers and acquisitions.

“Liquidity conditions now are the exact opposite of what they were in 2000,” when corporations sold large amounts of shares in secondary offerings or IPOs, said Charles Biderman, chief executive officer at TrimTabs Investment Research.

While corporate America was a net seller of $101 billion in equities in 2000, it has been a net buyer of $396 billion of its own shares so far in 2007, shrinking the net float of the stock market available for investors.

Mutual fund investors are also acting differently. “While they heavily favoured US equity funds in 2000, US equity funds have been the least popular major fund category so far this year,” Biderman summed up.

04 junio 2007

Ugly Stocks, Great Opportunities

Value investing is one of the most successful money-making strategies in the market. Master investor Warren Buffett, for example, has earned greater than 20% annualized returns for the past 40 years by buying good companies when they're cheap.

Unfortunately, companies often get cheap for a reason: Something may be wrong with them.

The ugly
One of Buffett's best investments was taking a major stake in Coca-Cola (NYSE: KO) in the fall of 1988 -- in the aftermath of 1987's Black Monday crash, when most analysts thought Coke's growth prospects looked dim.

Since 1988, Buffett's investment in Coke has earned approximately 14% annualized returns. That's market-beating -- and it's not as impressive as it once was, only because Coke has again declined in recent years, and because analysts doubt the brand's power and growth prospects.

Will Coke stay down for the count this time? Motley Fool Inside Value lead analyst Philip Durell doesn't think so. He recommended the company to subscribers in the January 2005 issue, for many of the same reasons Buffett bought in 1988. Coke's situation is just ugly enough to get you a great price on a good company.

The same could also be said for the public relations difficulties facing Wal-Mart (NYSE: WMT), or the energy price volatility that keeps causing drops in Chesapeake Energy (NYSE: CHK), Nabors Industries (NYSE: NBR), and Petrohawk (NYSE: HK).

Although Coke's stock isn't firing on all cylinders right now, it is starting to come around. There are no illegalities, and CEO Neville Isdell is focused on spurring future growth. The returns should be solid from here.

When ugly is too ugly
But it can get pretty ugly out there on the market. Master small-cap investor David Nierenberg has told Fool co-founder Tom Gardner that there are two clear indications that can help you steer clear of an ugly situation. First, "If we see an ethical blemish on the part of the incumbent management or the board, we are absolutely not interested. The second is: If we cannot trust or understand their accounting, we are absolutely not interested."

Krispy Kreme Doughnuts is one stock Nierenberg was avoiding when Tom interviewed him in 2005. Although new management was trying to turn around the business, the company had not yet released any new, reliable 10-Ks or 10-Qs. (It did so in April 2006.) As Nierenberg wondered to Tom before those releases, "[Has] this company ever earned a real profit? And what return on invested capital has it actually made at the newly opened stores?" Without answers to those questions, it was impossible to determine in 2005 at what price Krispy Kreme was a value -- if any.

11 mayo 2007

Javier Tallada o por qué todo acuario necesita su tiburón

Talladismo, dícese de aquella fórmula de inversión bursátil inventada por don Javier Tallada consistente en aplicar tres principios rectores principales, principios extraídos de las más avanzadas teorías del comportamiento humano.

Uno: El mercado cree en la valoración pero actúa desde la especulación.

Dos: Lo relevante es el continente, no el contenido que vendrá después.

Tres: El límite entre lo correcto y lo reprobable está en función del beneficio que se deriva para mi bolsillo.

Talladismo. Neologismo del siglo XXI. Que tome nota la Real Academia.

Porque vamos a ver. Uno se hace con una carcasa de bolsa que es Avanzit, cuya única historia es la de unos créditos fiscales que los auditores discuten si serán recuperables. Ya se tiene el juguete. Luego se dedica a meterle contenido por debajo en una especie de batiburrillo que va desde la producción audiovisual a la navegación por satélite, que hay que aprovechar el adagio de nuestro tiempo: mucha información pero poco conocimiento.

Se gestionan adecuadamente las expectativas. Ejemplos: Navento, el localizador, generará 60 millones de Ebitda al año por cada millón de usuarios, casi nada; palabra de Junta General: la división audiovisual está en el punto de mira de grandes grupos de comunicación, por si cuela; entrevista en El Mundo, sacaré a bolsa la división tecnológica aunque no lo haya discutido el Consejo. Toma ya. Buen gobierno se llama esto. Y a acción calentita, compras adicionales con papelitos. Recuerdos de otra época.

Y entre tanto, el a más a más. Dar en préstamo sus acciones en un momento de extraordinaria volatilidad de Avanzit que lo que realmente necesita es un mensaje de ortodoxia de su principal accionista. O un 1% de Jazztel de ida y vuelta al más puro estilo sell the fact al mercado y sell again aprovechando el runrún, coincidiendo con que la compañía de comunicaciones está en el ojo del huracán. ¿La CNMV? Pues a las patatas. Tragaderas de elefante.

Acabando. Qué me dicen del efecto listing. Porque una de las características principales del Talladismo es que aprende rápido de las actuaciones de los demás. Coloco en bolsa, liberado, dividendo en especie, un 15% de la antigua Telson, ahora CECSA, a la que valoro en 650 millones de euros (que no está nada mal teniendo en cuenta que esta división supone el 60% de mi resultado bruto de explotación y el EBITDA que yo mismo estimo para el conjunto de mi negocio se sitúa en los 49 millones de euros 2007) y tengo un porcentaje de capital lo suficientemente estrecho como para poderlo controlar -en definitiva los titulares de las acciones no son sino mis socios-, y poner en valor -mediante una gestión bursátil adecuada- a la matriz mediante una aproximación ficticia del valor de la filial. Redondo.

Es verdad que el mercado descuenta expectativas trayéndolas a valor presente. Y dicho valor depende de cuáles sean los flujos de caja futuros, el tipo de interés que se aplique y la tasa de crecimiento a perpetuidad que se estime. Y ahí uno puede hacer todos los cambalaches que quiera de cara a sus accionistas, al regulador o a la parte de prensa hipnotizada por el personaje, que todo acuario necesita su tiburón. Pero los hechos son los que son: a cierre de 2006 Avanzit incurría en causa de disolución al tener pérdidas superiores a los dos tercios de su capital social, la mayoría de los resultados eran no recurrentes y sus ratios eran y son estratosféricos. Ha fichado a gente competente pero, aun así, el fin de la historia de terror empresarial, como Tallada define Avanzit, puede convertirse en una historia de terror bursátil al menor desliz. Queda dicho.


Utilizado en Avanzit y Valero, cara y cruz